Abstract:

This paper examines syllabification in the Sokoto dialect of Fulfulde within the framework of Optimality Theory. The theory employs constraint-based rather than rule-based notations in the analysis of the grammar of languages. This study focuses on the Sokoto dialect of Fulfulde in view of the number of dialects of the language spoken across West Africa. Using field-based data, the analysis reveals the salient syllabification requirements of Fulfulde. Findings show that the syllables of the Sokoto dialect of Fulfulde require onsets and nuclei as obligatory elements. Syllable onsets in the dialect are maximally composed of a single consonant as complex onsets are prohibited. Codas are optional and may be simple or complex. A restriction placed on coda consonants is that except half of geminates, only sonorants are allowed, although in word-final positions, [ŋ], a sonorant, is not attested. These outcomes demonstrate the extent of conformity of Sokoto Fulfulde syllables with the markedness constraints governing syllable structure and the Syllable Contact Law. Further findings indicate that although syllabification in languages is grounded in the sonority of segments vis-à-vis the restrictions that languages place on phoneme combinations, the sonority scale, as presently designed does not adequately handle syllabification in this dialect; calling for an all-inclusive sonority scale.