| 1 |
Author(s):
Faruk Abdullahi, Ibrahim Danjuma Tigye, Danjuma Isaac Fwachano.
Page No : 1-21
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Trafficking in Human: A Modern-Day Slavery Against the Third World States
Abstract
Trafficking in Human is the trade of humans for the purpose of forced labour, sexual slavery, or commercial sexual exploitation for the trafficker or others. This may encompass providing a spouse in the context of forced marriage, or the extraction of organs or tissues, including for surrogacy and ova removal. Human trafficking can occur within a country or trans-nationally. Human trafficking is a crime against the person because of the violation of the victim's rights of movement through coercion and because of their commercial exploitation. Human trafficking is the trade in people, especially women and children, and does not necessarily involve the movement of the person from one place to another. People smuggling (also called human smuggling and migrant smuggling) is a related practice which is characterized by the consent of the person being smuggled. Smuggling situations can descend into human trafficking through coercion and exploitation.People are held against their will through acts of coercion, and forced to work for or provide services to the trafficker or others. According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), forced labour alone (one component of human trafficking) generates an estimated $150 billion in profits per annum as of 2014. In 2012, the ILO estimated that 21 million victims are trapped in modern-day slavery. Of these, 14.2 million (68%) were exploited for labour, 4.5 million (22%) were sexually exploited, and 2.2 million (10%) were exploited in state-imposed forced labor. The International Labor Organization has reported that child workers, minorities, and irregular migrants are at considerable risk of more extreme forms of exploitation. Statistics shows that over half of the world's 215 million young workers are observed to be in hazardous sectors, including forced sex work and forced street begging. Ethnic minorities and highly marginalized groups of people are highly estimated to work in some of the most exploitative and damaging sectors, such as leather tanning, mining, and stone quarry work. Human trafficking is the third largest crime industry in the world, behind drug dealing and arms trafficking, and is the fastest-growing activity of trans-national criminal organizations.
| 2 |
Author(s):
Apalowo Thalis Olonite, Osigwe Augustine Chidiebere, Adejumo Oluwasegun Agbailu.
Page No : 22-40
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Nigeria’s Electoral Integrity and Bimodal Voter Accreditation System: An Assessment of Public Opinion and Voting Behavior
Abstract
In the pursuit to enhance public electoral participation, lately the electoral body introduced the adoption of a twin-technology i.e. Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and INEC Election Result Viewing Portal (IReV), in subsequent elections. The efficacy of the twin-technology has raised a lot of apprehensions. Thus, it is against this backdrop this study assessed the public opinions and voting behaviours as regarding the worthiness and integrity of new Electoral Act with reference to INEC adoption of BVAS and IReV in Nigeria subsequent elections. The study adopted a survey research design, where data were primarily sourced from randomly sampled 400 Abuja municipal residents using questionnaires. Specifically, the study utilized descriptive analysis methods these include frequencies, percentages, charts and word-cloud in analyzing respondents views as regard awareness of the use of BVAS and IReV in Nigeria elections. It also employed the Fisher’s Exact Test to assess effects of the twin-technology awareness and its adoption on the public confidence in electoral process vis-à-vis their voting behaviour. The empirical findings from the descriptive analysis of the respondents revealed that there is great level of awareness among the public as regard the use of BVAS and IReV in subsequent elections in the country. Also, the study showed that respondents were full of praises for the innovation of the technology in Nigeria elections. Moreover, the Fisher’s Exact results showed that public awareness of use of BVAS and IReV positively influenced the public PVC collection rate. Howbeit, it revealed that public awareness of use of BVAS and IReV positively influenced voters’ turnout in subsequent General Election, if and only if electoral misconducts can be downcast. Thus, the study recommended that INEC could ensure full implementation and deployment of BVAS and IReV technology in coming (subsequent) elections. Also, INEC with NBA collaboration could ensure all electoral misconducts perpetrators are brought to justice as this would downcast electoral misconducts in the country and thereby enhancing voters’ turnout.
| 3 |
Author(s):
Augustine C. Osigwe (Ph.D), Osaretin G. Okungbowa (Ph.D), Rafiu A. Mustapha (Ph.D).
Page No : 41-47
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Contemporary Challenges Facing the Niger Delta Region in Nigeria: Areas For Legislative Interventions
Abstract
The Niger Delta region of Nigeria is home to oil and gas exploration in Nigeria, and thus the mainstay of the economy. It comprises nine states of the Federation with a total population of 42.65 million people. According to the World Bank, oil accounts for 40% of Nigeria’s GDP, 70% of federal government revenues, and 95% foreign exchange earnings. Despite the economic benefit of the region, the adverse effect of oil exploration activities in the region poses socioeconomic challenges for the people. Our analyses identified some of the challenges to include: environmental degradation, high poverty levels, spiraling armed conflicts, poor infrastructure, and widespread unemployment, amongst others. This study discusses the extant legal frameworks aimed at addressing Niger Delta problems, and identified some gaps. Consequently, we proffered recommendations for the consideration of the National Assembly as follows: (1) The National Assembly should utilize its investigative hearing instrument to determine the level of compliance with the Nigerian Content Development Monitoring Board Act, 2010, and the Niger Delta Development Commission Act, 2000 in order to ensure that they fulfil their respective mandates. (2) The legislators from the Niger Delta Region should organize sensitization workshop for community leaders and youth groups on the benefit in working together to support NCDMB in realizing the objectives for which it was established, which can reduce the level of unemployment in the region. (3) The legislators from the region should call on the executive to expedite actions on cleaning up of the Ogoni community and other exploration-ravaged communities in the region, to address the problem of environmental degradation. (4) The National Assembly should investigate the activities and operations of JTF through oversight function to curb their excesses. This study concludes that the collaboration of all stakeholders in the Niger Delta region is necessary to accelerate the socioeconomic development of the region.
| 4 |
Author(s):
David Olugbile.
Page No : 48-60
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An Assessment of the Impact of EFCC in Curbing Vote Buying in Nigeria
Abstract
This paper is an assessment of the performance of the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) on the fight against vote buying in the Nigerian elections. Vote buying is a major problem in the Nigerian electoral system. The phenomenon reached an epidemic level in 2019 when the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) introduced a level of digitalization of the electoral process through the use of permanent voters' card and card reader machines in the Nigerian electoral system. The introduction of card reader machines and permanent voters’ cards reduced the incidences of electoral infractions like 'results writing' and 'impersonation' because the voters are expected to confirm their identities at the polling booths through the authentication of card reader machines. This technological innovation by INEC made the political class to concentrate more on vote buying. The paper shows that EFCC has not been effective in carrying out its duty as the government agency that has the legal responsibility of curbing vote buying in Nigeria.
KEY WORDS: Election, & Vote Buying
| 5 |
Author(s):
Olugbile David Olaleye.
Page No : 61-72
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X-Raying Two-Partism in the Nigerian Fourth Republic’s Presidential Elections
Abstract
One of the features of the Nigerian Fourth Republic that started on May 29, 1999, was the dominance of two-partism in every circle of Presidential election between 1999 and 2019. Two-partism was engrained by the military regime that handed over to the civilian administration at the beginning of the Fourth Republic in 1999, and it was sustained by varieties of factors that include the influence of money politics, a culture of electoral fraud, and the unwillingness of smaller parties to form a coalition. However, two-partism gave way in Nigeria following the 2023 Presidential election when three parties garnered substantial votes. This paper explains the concepts of two-partism based on the prism of the domination of two political parties in an election rather than an explanation that is based on the involvement of just two parties in an election. It relates the concept to the Nigerian Presidential elections that were conducted between 1999 and 2019 and why the trajectory changed in the 2023 election.
| 6 |
Author(s):
Dr. J. A. Onoyemeakpo, Dr. S. O. Enomah, Dr. C. O. Okwelum.
Page No : 73-90
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Towards Abolition of the Doctrine of De novo Trials in Nigerian Courts
Abstract
Whenever the problem of delay in the administration of justice is discussed the doctrine of de novo trial comes into focus with the various perspectives that the phenomenon presents. The Nigerian situation is as simple as stating that while the society is growing and moving forward, the Nigerian law (one of which is de novo trial) is dragging it backwards. The end result is that it is not only expensive and breeds delay and denial of justice, the system and those running it do not seem to bother and those affected do not also seem to have the will to make a fuss and perturbation. Yet, around the world, the evidence that the doctrine has been abandoned because it is ‘bizarre’ is so glaring that why it is still being maintained, entrenched and eulogized in Nigeria drives this study which adopts the doctrinal method. The study finds that de novo is a procedural bench problem and seeks to highlight that there are no dangers inherent in abolishing the procedure in the trial process where a Judge is elevated, dies, resigns, retires or is transferred so that his successor can continue from where he stopped and so that de novo can only be resorted to in the appellate realm where the need arises.
| 7 |
Author(s):
Olugbile David Olaleye.
Page No : 91-99
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Local Government Election Management in Lagos State and the Influence Of A Zero-Sum Game
Abstract
By intent and definition, the Local Government in a democracy is supposed to be the closest government to the people and its administrator should be decided by its residents through a free and fair election. But in Nigeria, the works of the election management bodies that conduct Local Government elections in the States are cumbersome because the Governors have substantial control over them. For instance, the Chairman of the Lagos States Independent Electoral Commission is nominated by the Governor, who also has a major stake in the outcome of Local Government elections. The Local Government election in Nigeria is a zero-sum game for the ruling party in the State, as election into all the Local Government administrative centers is seen as a 'must-win' for the party of the Governor. One of the reasons for this is that Local Governments in Nigeria receive a monthly statutory allocation from the National Revenue. Also, local government official positions that include: the Chairman, Vice Chairman, Supervisory Councilors and other Councilors are used by the Governors and other ruling elites in the States to ‘settle’ loyal party members in their localities. This paper uses Lagos State to highlight the reality of the management of local government elections in Nigeria. It submits that the mode of configuration and procedure of local government election administration must be changed to a more transparent and unbiased one before the election can be taken seriously by the residents of the State.
| 8 |
Author(s):
Olugbile David Olaleye.
Page No : 100-124
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An Appraisal of the Use of Plea Bargaining in the Nigerian Justice System
Abstract
Plea bargaining as an instrument of justice dispensing has been vilified by many judicial actors and political commentators. This is due to the popular opinion that it favors corrupt high-ranking public and private officials when they are made to face the law. This opinion is anchored on the Marxist school of thought that emphasizes the economic power of the political actors above other societal elements, including the justice system. However, this study reveals that plea bargaining principles also have its merits. Among the identified merits is the fact that plea bargaining helps to reduce the cost of ligation and other associated costs that the State needs to bear in the course of prosecuting corrupt suspects. Also, by deciding cases summarily and speedily through plea bargaining, the court can have time for other cases that need speedy attention thereby ensuring that those concerns receive timely justice. Plea bargaining as an instrument of justice dispensing needs to be encouraged albeit with modifications. The modification should include an element of sufficient deterrence, despite the cooperation of the accused. The essay suggests how to balance the gains of plea bargaining with thorough and truthful dispensing of justice. I submit that plea bargaining is not unjust but there must be a legal framework within the Nigerian justice system that will be a template that will prescribe when, how and for which case the principle can be applied.
| 9 |
Author(s):
Olugbile David Olaleye.
Page No : 125-138
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Sports as an Instrument of Foreign Policy Under the Military Rule in Nigeria: 1976-1996
Abstract
The importance and popularity of sports among the nations of the world is huge. Sports are among the few common denominators for all the nations of the world irrespective of their respective political ideologies and religious inclinations. Through sports, enemies in political and ideological realms can compete between and among each other in an atmosphere of peace. Over the years, world leaders have used sports as an instrument of foreign policy. They do that in both positive and negative ways. Sports are deployed positively when they are used to boost friendship or to support a noble cause and they are used negatively when they are deployed as an instrument of sanctions. This paper shows how sports were used as an instrument of foreign policy in Nigeria by three military regimes of Olusegun Obasanjo, Ibrahim Babangida and Sanni Abacha. Olusegun Obasanjo's regime pulled out Nigeria's Olympic contingents from participating in the 1976 Olympic Games in Montreal, Canada. Ten years later, the regime of Ibrahim Babangida led other Anglophone countries to boycott the 1986 Commonwealth Games in Edinburgh, Scotland; and in 1996 General Sanni Abacha stopped the Super Eagles from defending the title they won in the previous edition of the African Cup of Nations. Details of these boycotts and their political implications are discussed in this paper.
